The Senate Leader, Opeyemi Bamidele, speaks with ADEBAYO FOLORUNSHO-FRANCIS about his encounter with the military junta and other circumstances that forced him into exile after the June 12, 1993 presidential election
How do you feel being touted as one of the faces of the June 12 struggle?
I don’t regard myself as one of the leading figures in the June 12 struggle, but I was definitely one of the altar boys. The reason is that we had the likes of Pa Enahoro of blessed memory, Chief Adekunle Ajasin, Chief Abraham Adesanya, Chief Ralph Obioha, and several other Nigerians. These are not only participants but also funders. We also had the likes of Asiwaju Bola Tinubu who is now the President of the country, Dr Beko Ransome Kuti, Femi Falana, Alao Aka-Basorun of blessed memory. Many people participated and put in their best. I don’t know if my sense of modesty will allow me to describe myself as a leading figure.
I was privileged to have served as the President of the National Association of Nigerian Students, which allowed me to lead the struggle of Nigerian students from across the country. I also graduated and practiced as a human rights lawyer and activist. All of this provided a platform for me to actively support the struggle, along with other members of my generation. It was quite an experience. I want to say that then, it wasn’t informed by anything other than our collective sense of indignation at injustice, flagrant abuse of people and our commitment to ensuring that the votes of Nigerians counted.
I think, in summary, those were the driving principles of the movement of my struggle. It was based on the conviction that the election was free and fair, that Nigerians had freely expressed their will, and that a legitimate mandate had been given. Its annulment was deeply saddening because we believed it would set Nigeria back. And it did set us back as a nation. So that was why we had to give up everything at stake, to come together across generations to resist the military dictatorship. The June 12 struggle was about resistance to military dictatorship. It was about a call for respect for democracy, a call for electoral reforms and national unity, as far as we were concerned. So, the experience was such that it also prepared some of us for a day like this. Many people were met and mobilised, either as comrades working together or as individuals we tried to convince to join the struggle. Today, we still have the opportunity to engage with them across various sectors of national life, including the media, civil society, and the political sphere.
Now, can you say the June 12 struggle is worth it?
Yes, I would say the struggle is worth it because democracy evolves. Again, as it is said, power is not served a la carte. That is part of the message of the June 12 struggle. If you look at the trend of events, the June 12 struggle first put the military dictatorship under intense pressure to step down. The international community was brought to awareness of what was going on in Nigeria. At some point, the international community became a part of the struggle. I remember that when we formed the National Democratic Coalition, we didn’t have a formal international policy, but we established what was called NADECO abroad, where those of us who managed to escape persecution in Nigeria regrouped and restarted the struggle across Europe. With that, the international community became a platform for us to enhance the struggle. From 1993 to 1998, it was such that every day became tougher for the military regime. We had a situation where they had to put all manners of transition programmes together. The summary of it was that the military handed over in 1999.
Is the current democracy an idea of what the agitators envisaged from the outset?
Although we struggled to achieve democracy, we didn’t get the kind of democracy we wanted. At the end of the day, at least we got a civilian rule. For me, democracy is where governance has come to maturity, where there is freedom of thought, conscience, and speech and where the votes of the masses will count.
At the end of the day, you have a situation where everybody can predict that the elements of democracy are present in the form of governance that you are running. But that’s not where we are yet. What we got, as I said, is a civilian rule, which is still better than a military dictatorship. For me, what we are now doing is gravitating towards attaining the basic tenets of democracy and because we are in civilian rule, that’s why democracy has remained nascent for almost 26 years. I know that it is a necessary stage. We practice federalism, but in theory, it’s likely fashioned after that of the United States of America. We are talking of a democracy that is almost 400 years old. So they also have gone through their stages of growth and development as a system of government.
Do you see democracy and governance improving beyond what we have today?
I believe that 26 years into our democratic form of governance, we are learning. You also would observe that every election is better than the previous one. Of course, every election probably will still end up in court, especially presidential and governorship elections. Because again, though it is easier said than done, every politician should behave like a sportsman, a gallant loser and a reasonable winner. But it’s still very difficult for people to come to terms with the reality of the fact that they lost the election. This you can explain in several areas. On the day of the election, as a candidate, you just cast your vote and go back to your house. Then you have to rely on different people across the country. You also have a situation where some agents probably collected money and did not even go there. Some went there and compromised. You have some campaign coordinators who collected money and didn’t do what they were supposed to do and they lost. Some worked hard but they lost. But even those who did not do what they were supposed to do will still have a way of trying to justify the funds released to them by creating the impression that somebody rigged them out or some other things happened beyond their capacity. In such a situation, you are made to believe that you have won the election or that you actually genuinely won the election but you were robbed of it and all that. So, it makes it difficult for you to believe that you actually lost the election and accept the results as the sportsman you are supposed to be. So, that’s one factor.
The other factor, again, is the umpires. Did they play the role of genuine umpires who put in their best and the result reflects the election or did you think they got compromised along the line? Again, the conclusion you draw there is also what determines what you do as to whether or not you want to accept the result of the election or you want to proceed to court. But all of these are part of the process. The election itself is a process. It starts from the time you make up your mind to contest to the time you buy the INEC form, run your campaign, go to the polls, vote and get voted for. But sometimes you still end up in the courtroom and all that. So, it’s a process. And in the course of it, a lot of factors come to play that will determine whether or not you accept or refuse to accept the results of the election.
Do you regret participating in the June 12 struggle?
No, I believe the struggle for June 12 was worth it because it was a natural sacrifice that was made, first, to terminate the military dictatorship that we had in our country, and also to ensure that we’re able to establish a democratic form of governance. It is to the extent that we have the civilian rule today that I would say it was worth that struggle. The essence of having the civilian rule today is for all of us to know that it’s not just Uhuru. We still have more work to do. It’s something that calls for the collaboration of everybody, including members of the political class, those in the ruling party, opposition parties, members of the civil society, the media, the fourth estate of the realm, our religious leaders and critical stakeholders. All of us must continue to work together to ensure that we transition from civilian rule to genuine democracy.
There’s a general assumption that the biggest beneficiaries of today’s democracy are actually not those who fought for it. Do you align with this?
Well, again, it depends on who is doing the assessment. Who are the people who fought for the June 12 struggle? Who are the beneficiaries? They are all Nigerians, right? In determining those who struggle, what eligibility or criteria do you use? Are we talking about the known or unknown participants who were in the majority? Some of us organised rallies, and public lectures and went around the world to address parliaments of other nations to address the United Nations, including every gathering and forum where we thought people could render help. Some of us went to convince the governments of other countries to support us. We even ran a radio station from outside of the country and different things happened. But remember that we were doing all of this to appeal to the conscience of a nation, which resided in every home, village, town, district and state. So if we called for a rally and Nigerians didn’t come up, you know that would have been the end of that struggle. If we said we’re making a broadcast from a democratic radio station that we’re running from outside the country and people tune off and say, oh, these people again. You know we’ll be discouraged. So, who did not participate? This is my question. The majority of Nigerians participated but at different levels. So, yes, they might point at some other people who were even on the other side. This is because I have had people also tell me that many of the people who were close to General Sani Abacha and the military have ended up being made honourable ministers. But here is the point. It was not a revolution that brought us to government in 1999.
Some people may disagree with you on this.
Even if it was a revolution, you still would have sat back to ask that beyond the people who planned and executed this revolution, who are the eggheads we can work with? Maybe you would have looked in the area of academia, the media, religious settings, civil society, traditional rulers and every other sector of the Nigerian population to bring in people who can join you in running a government. It’s the same thing. We didn’t come in through revolution. We came in through popular participation, through party politics. You have a government of President Obasanjo that said they wanted to run a government of national unity and took people from different minority or opposition parties regardless of what they did. That has also been the situation with subsequent administrations. Those who are running Nigeria today, under the watch of President Bola Tinubu are not necessarily only members of the APC. Some don’t even belong to any political parties. They were not there when we did the campaign. But we have gone for them as technocrats because we felt that they have something to offer. That’s how we run a government. Some were brought from minority parties. If you look at the cabinet today, you will see people from different backgrounds. Some people were in the PDP before. We even brought somebody from Africa to come and be Minister of State. We brought people who also were not members of any political party. They are all there. So, if people are saying those who did not participate in June 12 are benefiting, I think there is a need for us to be cautious in making that kind of assumption or conclusion. What is important is that the heroes of June 12 know themselves, and deserve to be celebrated. Also remember, first and foremost, that several of our heroes, you know, who have gone, for me, that is a worthy recognition. I do not doubt that at some point, that will be something that should translate to national honours or some other forms of national recognition and immortalisation. But to say that some people who did not participate in the June 12 struggle are benefiting, I think we need to take it beyond that point.
What happens to May 29 now that June 12 is the official Democracy Day?
Well, I think both dates have become a part of our history. We are a nation where people have a sense of history. May 29 and June 12, for me, represent two different things. One gave birth to the other through struggle. Needless to say, June 12 birthed May 29, which again is like a day of surrender or handing over. But June 12 is a day that marks our resilience and commitment to democracy as a people and to say despite any armoured personnel carrier on our streets, we will go out and say no to military brutality and stand by the mandate given to our elected people. Despite all the intimidation and harassment, I am sure you are aware some people died in the process while some got maimed. Businesses got paralysed in the process while careers and media houses went down. Journalists were not only harassed but detained in large numbers. Some were even killed. So, if you talk of June 12, we remember the lives of people like Bagauda Kaltho. Until today, nobody has been able to explain how he died through bombing. That is what June 12 is all about. May 29 is a moment to say that the struggle was not in vain.
Shouldn’t Tinubu’s administration be seeking means to harmonise them?
So I agree, we must find a way of harmonising the two as far as the governance process is concerned. That’s something that can be addressed through legislation at some point. But as to what ought to be our democracy day, it is June 12. In the US and other civilised democracies of the world, they have a day that they celebrate as Independence Day. But that does not stop them from recognising other days based on their political or cultural history. The 4th of July every year is celebrated by the US as their Independence Day. Of course, they will have other days set aside. Whether you call it Memorial Day, Columbus Day, or different things like that. It’s all part of the history of the people. October 1 will always be a unique day for us because of the history that goes with it. But our history will not be complete because if we’re only talking about October 1, we’re only talking about the surrender of the colonial masters. But to actually talk about the surrender of our military perpetrators, you have to continue to talk about June 12. Also, we need to account for how we came about May 29. For me, we may as well just keep them as separate days, you know, and let the history remain with them.
What exactly will you say were the trying moments for you during the NADECO struggle?
Well, there were such days. There is nobody who truly and actively participated in the June 12 struggle that will not have one day or another that you refer to as the day an end could have come. It wasn’t once or twice. But the most critical day was when some of us as youth leaders took over the International Airport in Lagos, right on top of Oshodi Bridge. For three days, we ensured there was no vehicular movement in Lagos. Everywhere was grounded. Everybody would report at his duty posts on a daily basis manning the place to ensure nothing happened. Then all of a sudden we heard that Gen Abacha was on his way to the airport where he would be flying to Abuja.
Your pro-June 12 agitators attempted to stop Abacha from boarding his flight?
We doubted this because in any case, airlines had been grounded and nobody was flying. We felt we needed to move and we arrived there. The truth about it is that the military shot their way through the crowd. Some people died in the process. We took cover, and those shots could just have hit any one of us. It was by the grace of God that I was not one of those hit. They drove through the barricades to ensure they made it to the airport. Need we talk about how many people died in this course of history? I guess they didn’t see us as anything. They saw themselves as soldiers who took a decision, and that decision had to be enforced. They needed to be at the airport. I’m sure if it’s a time like this, they probably would be thinking of how a helicopter could be arranged for him to fly. But that was not the situation. They behaved like soldiers and that was also part of why we felt we needed people other than soldiers to be in charge of our democracy.
How did you flee Nigeria into exile?
Yes, that was another close-shave encounter I had before leaving Nigeria. Chief MKO Abiola of blessed memory was on trial for treason. The lead counsel was Chief G.O.K. Ajayi of blessed memory. He was being assisted by another coordinator, Chief Alao Aka-Basorun, who also is of a blessed memory. The two of them were killed in Nigeria. There were a total of over a hundred lawyers who were appearing with them. I was one of the youngest lawyers in the chamber. And because both of them were coming from Lagos, my office in Abuja was used as a coordinating office. It was a law firm I established just barely one and a half years to the time. I was renting my law office from the secretariat of the Nigerian Union of Journalists. So we were in Area 11. The day they eventually brought MKO to court, we had a very difficult time with the soldiers and everything. The very next day, my office in Area 11 was taken over. I was actually in the High Court, representing a group of student union leaders who had been expelled by the University of Abuja. I have been married for less than a month. Well, I got married on the 1st of July, 1995. There was no GSM then. We only relied on landlines. One of the lawyers in my office had called my wife from the NUJ Secretariat because they had my wife’s office line at Garki General Hospital where she was working as a registered pharmacist. He called my wife’s office line to let me know that when he went to buy something around my office, he saw that security officers had taken over the entire place. As one of the people who managed to come out of the street, he heard that the security agencies said they were looking for arms and ammunition in that office. It was that bad to come and look for arms and ammunition in a law office because we were involved. So, my wife quickly called one of the assigned registrars that she knew and explained what was happening. She asked the registrar to help tell me in the courtroom so that I would not appear in court.
My case had not been called because there were other senior lawyers in court whose matter would be mentioned before coming to junior counsel. So, the assistant registrar came to whisper what happened in my law office to me. I managed to inform one of my colleagues to stand by and represent me. What I did was to walk across to the law office of another colleague. I stayed there until I was able to reach my wife through her office line. My wife brought an ambulance from Garki General Hospital to take me to another location. It was the ambulance we used to go to a place where a friend could take me in his car. We then drove out for almost three days before we got to a safer place.
I could not fly during the period because the military junta had placed the airport under strict monitoring. The journey took almost three days. I could not go to my house in Lagos State. I was told that just as they were searching my office in Abuja, they were also searching the offices of Dr Beko Ransome-Kuti and Chief Femi Falana on the same day in Lagos. I think they were just picking people randomly. That was the beginning of my journey to flee Nigeria. We had a NADECO route where once you found your way to Lagos State, you would go to Badagry. From there, there was an arrangement on how they would take you to Cotonou, which was a very dangerous route for anybody.
They put a little boat on the water that connects to the international route. They paddled a canoe at night. A number of us went through this route to get out of Nigeria. From Accra in Ghana, we began to look for people who could send us a ticket. That was how I ended up in the United States. In the US, I was granted political asylum by the Government of the United States which gave me a platform to assist other comrades to leave the country where we continued our struggle against the military junta in exile.
But, if you ask me again whether it’s worth it, I would say yes. I’m just happy that this democracy is alive, though not perfect but it’s growing, and it’s bound to grow, because we are destined to succeed as a people.
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