The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation and the Complexities of Aid Distribution
Inside four hastily constructed warehouses in southern Gaza, where food is distributed to desperate and starving Palestinians, there is a relative calm. Ration boxes stamped with the name and logo of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) are handed out by local volunteers wearing red vests, under the watchful eyes of armed American security contractors. However, just outside these warehouses is where most of the trouble occurs. Hundreds of civilians crowd toward the distribution sites, often facing deadly consequences — many allegedly shot by Israeli soldiers stationed nearby. On Wednesday, at least 20 Palestinians died in a stampede that the GHF claims was initiated by gun-toting Hamas militants.
Humanitarian aid has become one of the most contentious aspects of the ongoing conflict between Israel and Hamas, now approaching its second anniversary. In recent weeks, it has emerged as a key sticking point in ceasefire negotiations, placing the U.S.- and Israel-backed GHF at the center of international scrutiny.
Hamas demands a return to the United Nations-coordinated system of aid delivery that had been in place for decades. Israel, however, accuses Hamas of corrupting that system and insists on maintaining strict control over assistance to Gazans through the GHF. Critics, including the United Nations and much of the international humanitarian aid community, argue that the GHF is designed to further Israeli war aims by selectively providing inadequate aid and forcing Gazans to risk their lives for basic provisions.
In a statement released Monday, 21 European countries and others, including Canada and Australia, condemned the “drip feeding of aid” and the “inhumane killing of civilians” seeking food and water. They described the Israeli government’s aid model as dangerous, destabilizing, and dehumanizing.
The origins and operations of the GHF remain largely obscure, particularly given the restrictions on international journalists in Gaza. Even more opaque is its funding. The foundation claims it received about $100 million in start-up money from an unidentified government. In late June, the Trump administration announced a $30 million contribution to GHF operations. A major donation initially expected from the United Arab Emirates has not materialized, according to internal planning documents.
The Israeli government, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has publicly denied funding the initiative. However, behind the foundation lies a network of interconnected U.S. and Israeli individuals and private U.S. companies, some of which may eventually profit from the relief effort.
Among those positioned to benefit from GHF-linked contracts are a Chicago-based private equity firm, McNally Capital, whose subsidiary Orbis Operations helped establish the foundation. Safe Reach Solutions (SRS), the primary contractor overseeing GHF operations inside Gaza, was created specifically for this purpose. SRS is owned by a Wyoming-based trust whose beneficiary is McNally Capital. Boston Consulting Group (BCG) also played a role in setting up the GHF, initially offering services pro bono before later withdrawing due to controversy.
Since late May, the GHF has distributed over 80 million meals in boxes that feed 5.5 people for 3.5 days. However, dwindling resources have limited the number of trucks bringing food into Gaza to about 70 to 80 per day, far below early plans for over 300. Construction of additional distribution sites has also been delayed due to lack of financing, ongoing military operations, and the need to clear unexploded ordnance.
Money problems and uncertain ceasefire negotiations have also stalled GHF plans for a more ambitious proposal to relocate Gazans. A 19-page slide deck distributed at the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv in January outlined plans for large-scale residential compounds, both inside and potentially outside Gaza, where “the population” could reside while the enclave was “demilitarized and rebuilt.” This approach aimed to build trust with Gazans, which could be leveraged to support President Trump’s vision for the region.
The Origins of the GHF and International Involvement
The GHF concept emerged as part of a broader effort by Israeli military officials, businesspeople, and foreign partners to support Israel’s war effort and plan for Gaza’s future. The initiative began shortly after Hamas’s October 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel, which killed around 1,200 people and took at least 250 hostages. As Israel responded with airstrikes and ground operations, it cut off daily aid to the 141-square-mile enclave, citing concerns over Hamas controlling and profiting from the aid distribution.
Under pressure from the Biden administration and humanitarian organizations that warned of potential war crimes, Israel allowed limited relief to resume but kept tight control over the flow of assistance. This generated friction between Netanyahu and the U.S. government, Israel’s main source of military and diplomatic support.
“There was a need to get humanitarian aid into Gaza,” an Israeli official said, “but it needed to be done in a non-U.N. way.”
In January 2024, the fledgling Gaza aid working group sought advice from Michael Vickers, a former Green Beret and CIA veteran. Vickers introduced them to Philip Reilly, a former senior CIA operations officer with experience in private security. Reilly quickly gained the trust of the IDF and the Gaza planning group, spending much of 2024 immersed in the details of the conflict.
While the Biden administration was aware of the Israeli government’s efforts, most were skeptical. A former Biden official described the Israeli government as “throwing spaghetti against the wall” to find a solution to the crisis without taking responsibility for caring for Gaza’s civilians.
Ambitions and Incorporations
By the fall, a feasibility study by Silat Technologies, an Orbis subsidiary, outlined the creation of the GHF as a nonprofit entity to safely deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza. Planning documents suggested the inclusion of respected figures such as David Beasley, former head of the World Food Program, and Tony Blair, though their roles remained unclear. An elaborate public relations strategy was planned to promote a positive image of the GHF.
The foundation would hire a prime contractor to organize and supervise aid operations, with a private security company as a subcontractor. BCG, with Reilly and Vickers as senior advisers, projected $2 billion in initial operating costs for the GHF.
On November 21, Safe Reach Solutions (SRS) was registered in Jackson, Wyoming, and placed in a trust administered by Two Ocean Trust. While no information indicated what the company did or who ran it, the beneficiary of the trust and any profits was reportedly McNally Capital, the private equity firm that owns Orbis. SRS, with Reilly as CEO, became the primary GHF contractor.
McNally Capital stated it “did not invest in SRS or actively manage the company” but had an “economic interest” in it. The firm specializes in aerospace, defense, and technology companies.
A Checkpoint Test Run
As the new year approached, progress on the food aid program was interrupted by the prospect of a Gaza ceasefire. Israel agreed to move troops out of portions of Gaza temporarily, allowing citizens to return to their homes. But Israeli officials insisted on a vehicle checkpoint on the Netzarim Corridor to ensure weapons were not carried back to areas cleared of Hamas.
With nine days’ notice, U.S. and Arab mediators turned to SRS to organize the checkpoint. Reilly subcontracted UG Solutions, a small security firm based in North Carolina, to staff the operation. The checkpoint was deemed a success, with no major incidents reported.
The Netzarim operation served as a test run for the food distribution operation, and SRS and UG were well-positioned to take over for the GHF. On February 2, the foundation was registered as a humanitarian nonprofit in Switzerland and Delaware.
The Netanyahu government believed Trump would support the initiative. Trump vowed to end the war and proposed developing Gaza as a high-end Mediterranean resort. Food distribution by the GHF was seen as the first step in a larger redevelopment plan.
A Rocky Launch
When the ceasefire collapsed on March 18 and the IDF resumed ground operations, Israel again blocked all humanitarian aid from entering Gaza. Thousands of tons of food piled up in warehouses outside the borders, with reports of starvation inside.
By early May, international pressure mounted on Israel to end its aid blockade, and Trump looked for progress on his promise to end the war. At a May 9 news conference in Tel Aviv, U.S. Ambassador Mike Huckabee claimed the GHF as a Trump “initiative.”
Despite opposition from the U.N. and most aid partners, the GHF launched its operations. However, the launch faced immediate challenges, including gunfire near distribution sites and death threats against Palestinian volunteers. Volunteers were afraid to return home at night, but the financial planners had not budgeted for housing or other necessities.
The GHF promoted John Acree, a former USAID official, to interim executive director. Despite ongoing problems and frequent reports of gunfire, the food program achieved a rhythm after a few weeks. However, the killing of civilians near GHF sites continued.
Last month, eight Palestinian volunteers were shot and killed, allegedly by Hamas, aboard a bus returning them to GHF sites. Early this month, the IDF said “terrorists” had tossed grenades into a distribution site, injuring two American contractors. Then came the deaths in Wednesday’s stampede.
“We came to Gaza to help feed people, not to fight a narrative war,” GHF spokesman Chapin Fay said, publicly accusing Hamas of causing the carnage. Aid organizations argued it was the result of the Israeli militarization of what should be a neutral endeavor.
On Sunday, at least 79 Palestinians were killed when food-seeking crowds mobbed a U.N. aid convoy in northern Gaza and were fired on by Israeli troops. The IDF said it was “aware of the claim” and was examining the details.
Acree, the GHF interim executive director, repeated appeals to the U.N. and other aid organizations to cooperate with the foundation. “The demand for food is relentless, and so is our commitment,” he said in a statement. “We’re adjusting our operations in real time to keep people safe and informed, and we stand ready to partner with other organizations to scale up and deliver more meals to the people of Gaza.”
GHF contracts expire at the end of August unless a ceasefire comes first. If and when the fighting stops, it remains unclear how much aid will be allowed into Gaza and who will distribute it. Since late June, Trump has repeatedly claimed that negotiations are going well and that a truce is imminent.
